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across north africa beginning with egypt, i've asked our speakers to limit the remarks to roughly seven minutes in order to reserve plenty of time for your questions and answers. dr. anthony and the organizers as always have provided with a series of thought-provoking questions, and as with previous panels, question cards we available to you. so first, i'd like to call on karim who is a visiting professor, and served as a great egyptian diplomat with direct experience in egypt's diplomacy towards middle east regional security, arms control and nonproliferation issues. is also a veteran of the egyptian information and political military affairs office here in washington. so it offers a unique insight into the delicate relationship new leaders find themselves maneuvering in. mr. haggag, thank you. >> thank you, and i'd like to thank the council for this opportunity. it's a pleasure to be here with you today. i'd like to focus my remarks on foreign policy, particularly the challenges facing the new egyptian government in the foreign policy and region security realm, but i can set the conce
in the middle east. elections are coming up. israel, jordan, egypt, iran, and elsewhere, we're seeing in front of our eyes more violent change happening in syria. the reverberations felt in every one of those country's borders. elsewhere from beirut to bahrain, it's a low boil, ready to burst out in a way that would affect our interests in very fundamental ways. there's two problems at the far end of the threat spectrum. the iran nuclear challenge on one hand and spread of al-qaeda and spread of terrorism on the other that will continue to dominate unless we forget within a year of taking office, both presidents obama and bush, his predecessor, were faced with previously unforeseen events that fundamentally challengedded their middle east policies. 9/11 for president bush, and the arab spring for president obama. there's a lot on the agenda. today, we're going to take an early look at what will be and what should be the foreign policy of a second obama administration in the middle east. now, we, at the washington institute, for us, this is just the beginning of a -- of quite a number of events
, tunisia and egypt. the u.s. institute of peace post this to our discussion. >> good morning, everyone. i am steven heydemann, middle east initiative at the u.s. institute of peace and we are delighted to see you all here at today's session on security sector reform in the arab world. i think some of those who rsvp may have been scared away by the false rumor that you would be subjected to a political polling experience following the panel. that's not the case that you don't need to worry about that. were very pleased to have you out here with this morning. i would like to stress that our topic this morning i think is both particularly important, but also especially urgent. i don't think that it is an exaggeration to say that what happens with the security sectors in the arab world over the coming year or so, and by security service, i mean the police, the armed forces and most of all of course the very substantial intelligence apparatus is that exist in every arab country, that what happens with those sectors of the bureaucracy in the arab world will let her sleep determined the fate of
for example in egypt the brotherhood may be very reluctant on certain aspects of the security sector they're dealing with the military privileges of the military but other areas, for example, police, basic police reform and abuses and behavior of police i think my question and the brotherhood would be happy to see this corrected and improved, but that there is a perception within the brotherhood by many in the egyptian government institutions that if you were to address these issues it would result in its short term increase in crime and stability and they feel as though they can either fight crime effectively where they could address these kind of concerns which would be useful in the long term but detrimental in the short term and they would pay a heavy political price for the increase in crime on the basic security that would come with this reform. if you talk a little bit about that and also in tunisia i was there a couple of weeks ago, and one of the topics that came up quite a bit was the attacks on the u.s. embassy and while those of us here that might obviously highlight the need
in egypt and tunisia to push this forward and to overcome the increasing polarization. >> i will add to and dan's remarks and say in terms of technicalities and specific steps that need to be taken to reconfigure the domestic security establishment, they are all laid out there in a study that was put together by a group of civil society leaders as well as a group of meetings from the securities sector, commonly known as police for egypt. there's a great deal of debate within civil society about the exact concrete actionable step that needs to be taken in the short run and in the long run some of these steps when themselves to the type of changes that would require the liberation. this is one issue to keep in mind. the dialog's ideas are out there but what is missing as dan mentioned is the political will, the seriousness to engage in dialogue on this issue, even if they're not ready to adopt policy recommendations, there needs to be some kind of ongoing dialogue on these issues but at the same time i want to point out the issue of political will is important, there will always be a c
#% of all the foreign aid that we do, a lot of money. israel, egypt, pakistan, iraq, and afghanistan. nothing wrong with that, but we have to work with our frens to the south. we put in 1.4, and with additional money, it's $1.9 billion. for every one dollar we help with mexico, they spend $13. they spend a lot of money on security. they got to -- we got to understand what they are doing. now, what we started off, we did the easy thing, buy them hell cometters, buying this, and e worked with george bush, and filed the first legislation before bush talked about the plan because i felt that strongly about helping mexico, but nevertheless, we worked together. we did the easy thing with mexico, the helicopters and the planes. the hard part is this is we got to start training or billing the capacity, the prison systems, the prosecutors, the policemen. we're working on it at the federal level, and they trained 36,000 police. i think they need 150,000 or more than that. we have to go into judges, train the judges, the prosecutors. did you know that a prosecutor here in the united states, if
. >>> next, a discussion on the state of security forces in egypt, tunisia in libya. also the arab spurring countries are in a political transition with the army, police and intelligence services playing different roles in each country. hosted by the u.s. institute of peace, this is two hours. good morning everyone. i am steve heydemann for the middle east initiatives of the u.s. institute of peace, and we are delighted to see you all here today at the session on security sector reform in the arab world. i think some of those that rsvped may have been scared off by the false rumors that he would be colin following the panel. that is not the case. so you don't need to worry about that. we are very pleased to have you all here with us this morning. i would like to stress that our topic this morning i think is both particularly important, but also especially urgent. i don't think that it is an exaggeration to say that what happens with the securities sector within the arab world or over the coming year or so come and buy securities sectors i mean the police, the armed forces, and most of all t
identities. the fact that in egypt, the first thing they say is raise your head, you are an ejection, meaning be proud. so the question then is what happened? if this was true for a decade. there was nothing particularly unique about 2007 or 2011. whether there was a major economic crisis in egypt or tunisia. it was extraordinary and i don't think you can just blame it on economics. so the question is why didn't they do it before? i think we have the right answer. political sponsors have always assumed that it is not enough to have angry people to revolt. you have to organize and you have to get a lot of people through the streets and the government has to feel the heat. the fact you have a lot of angry people doesn't quite make it. governments understood that you can can't get people to the streets about organizing. the outline political parties. they kept tabs on social institutions. they put leaders in prison that challenge them. and they were under control. that is why some people are with us for the long haul. what happened over the last couple of years, we have been watching for a decad
. they are interesting. see the list of countries that it was really at it in. iran, syria, lebanon, saudi arabia, egypt. sometimes it is called viper. a little bit confusing because they often times see things get kind of melted into each other. like you know, a very interesting whole incident. the size and sophistication of this was so great that i think the conclusion is clear that it was a government that was doing this. it is just unfathomable that it could then a smaller kind of scale operation. i think one of my colleagues is going to talk about estonia a little bit more, too. in 2007, estonia removed a statue, a soviet era statute and it caused turmoil between estonia and russia and lo and behold if it didn't become a lot of cyberattacks on mr. linea shutting down their telephone networks commissioning down their banking systems, websites and so on. government services and so on. it was never proven of his russia doing it, but the conclusion is that the very least of his russian hackers. in the end, nato, who is very active in helping estonia understand this, nato step dad and ultimately there's
that the spring is beneficial, we see that in egypt, this is not necessarily the case. the muslim brotherhood in egypt, the sunni islam that party with different views of regional policy. the egyptian president was in tehran recently for the non-aligned movement meeting and there is a lot of worry at him going to tehran would indicate that iran was isolated as the u.s. had imagined it to be or wanted it to be. more see meeting with iran officials indicated iran is an important regional player. of course what did morrissey during undreamed due? he criticized the regime of bashar al-assad and implicitly criticized the regime for his support of syria. this was an embarrassment for the iranian leadership, to the point that they change translation on television. he criticized syria and every man television set by rain. so trying to save face basically. but we've seen that egypt is not necessarily going to follow iran's policies in the region. in fact, the egyptians have kept their distance from tehran. they have not resumed relations in this a lot of tension in some issues. in addition, turkey eme
spring including the ongoing syrian civil war and the challenges facing egypt after its revolution. >> later today, singers and musicians roger daltrey and pete townsend of the who will be at the national press club to talk about the program they co-founded to help improve the lives of teenagers and young adults with cancer. they'll also discuss their plans for a new initiative called teen cancer america. it aims to set up hospitals and medical centers in the strategic areas across the country. see their remarks live beginning at 1 p.m. eastern over on c-span. >> you're watching c-span2 with politics and public atears. weak dies fee you are -- weekdays featuring live coverage of the senate and every weekend the latest nonfiction authors and books on booktv. you can see past programs and get our schedule at our web site, and you can join in the conversation on social media sites. >> former national security adviser stephen hadley was among the speakers at a recent conference focusing on national security challenges facing the united states. he said the top priority should be getting
. and then they reached suez in egypt on september 3rd, 1942. now, i should probably give a little background on the war in north africa. historians when they talk about it tend to use metaphors like seesaw, pendulum. it was this peculiar sort of rhythm of war that began in the fall of 1940. mussolini had visions of grandeur, i guess, wanted to ride his white stallion down the streets of cairo. he had trooped in libya when was an italian colony, and he decided to make a play for cairo, attack the british going east. the british attacked right back and went, drove the italians pretty far west into libya at which point hitler realized he really needed to bail out his pal, mussolini, although i don't think he was happy about it. so he sent in irwin rommel, the famous tank commander, along with a bunch of perhapsers, and he effectively drove the british back into egypt. now, when the summer rolls around, things would kind of quiet down. it was terribly hot, and the campaigning would sort of cease, the two sides would dig in, and then in the fall of 1941 there was again an advance by the british into libya i
us back to the middle east that we used the to know the arabs and israelis going at it and egypt being -- [inaudible] but right before that iran saw its fortunes decline, its popularity in the arab streets declined because of the arab spring, and then the syrian situation introduced a very, very important element, almost sectarian element, that eroded iranian influence in the region and the projection of iranian power hit a brick wall with that. so all of this, of course, goes into the mix of what iran is thinking. and this is one of the reasons. this is a good time to start negotiating with iran as its reach in the middle east seems to be not what it used to be, it's not as soft power, superpower, nor is it a hard power superpower in the renal payoff the situation -- in the region because of the situation in lebanon and syria. p lebanon is really the coming disaster, and syria is the disaster that we're dealing with right now. so, of course, all of this will go on. and if i were american, i would say this is exactly the right time to go into this. the presidential elections are
in alexandria, egypt where the british had a large fleet. and the two biggest but not quite finished battleships of the french fled to the car, west africa, and casablanca. but there was a very large flotilla on the algerian coast. there were a couple of battleships, some big cruisers, and the british came up with this idea. they called it operation catapult. on the morning of july 3, they were going to seize as many french ships as they possibly could buy agreement, hopefully, but if not, by force. and they figured, and portsmouth and plymouth, england, these ports are surrounded by british ships and british coastal batteries and that kind of thing. and in alexandria egypt kind of the same thing because there was a british port with the british origin big guns. there was only the french flotilla here, was a french naval base. and the british naval command, radioed of course in code to their fleet in gibraltar, and they said, this is what you have to do. you have to sail through the ninth of july 2 and 3rd, and show up at dawn. and give our terms to the fleet. and the terms were, or were going t
and his entourage and his inner circle, thought that syria might weather the arab storm that had hit egypt and tunisia, yemen, bahrain and libya. he gave an interview in january to a good friends of mine, jay sol low moan, with "the wall street journal" where he said syria was immune from the arab spring. some of the mouthpieces for the regime in february and march were publishing articles in syrian forums that were supportive of the protesters in egypt and tunisia, and there was a contrast made that they authoritarian leaders who were lackeys of the united states and israel, were out of touch with the youth ask the populations in their countries, whereas the president of syria was a young 45 at the time. he was a computer nerd. he liked the technological toys of the west. he was in touch with the syrian population. he certainly was not a lackey of the united states, and israel. in fact he was supported of hezbollah, amass, iran, and other groups and states, that had a lot of street credibility in the arab world. so they thought it would pass them over. in fact i know that president bashar
on the states because it's been a very fascinating story. egypt is still going through a revolution, halt asserted -- hasn't asserted itself, needs help from the rest of the world particularly economically. it can't be as assertive and play a role. iraq is not really fully integrated into the arab world left. what does that leave? syria is in trouble. that leaves the gulf cooperate council state led by saudi arabia. so what we have now is a coalition state, the gulf cooperation council around saudi arabia that invited two other states into the royal club, jordan and morocco, to broaden the gcc in exchange for economic and security cooperation going in different directions, and that is the coalition right now that is the powerful coalition in the arab world. and the states that are going through change are somewhat marginalized, there's no one else is so if you want to call that unity, go ahead. that's what we have. >> that's a problem. egypt will come back. >> it'll come back. >> and soon. >> and then in terms of identity politics, you get to a country like libya, you add the tribal -- >>
of peace looking at the state of security forces in egypt, tunisia and libya. the arab spring are in the state of transition with the army, police and intelligence services playing different roles in each. this took place earlier this week in washington. it's two hours. >> good morning everyone. i'm steve heydemann for issues of the u.s. institute of peace, and we are delighted to see you all here at today's session on the securities sector reform in the arab world and some rsvp to me have been scared by the false rumor that it would be subjected to a political polling experience following the panel. that is not the case. so you do not need to worry about that. we are very pleased to have you here with us all this morning. i would like to stress that our topic this morning i think is both particularly important but also especially urgent. i do not think that it is an exaggeration to say what happens with the security sectors in the arab world and by security sectors i mean the police, the armed forces, and most of all of course the very substantial intelligence apparatus that
in england, plymouth, england, a lot were in alexandria, egypt, where the french -- or the british had a large fleet. and the two biggest but not quite finished battleships of the french fled to dakar, west africa, and cat blank ca -- cat blank ca. but there was a very large no tila on the algerian coast. there were a couple of battleships, some big cruisers. and the british came up with this idea, they called it operation catapult. on the morning of july 3rd, they were going to seize as many french ships as they possibly could by agreement, hopefully, but if not, by force. and they figured -- and portsmouth and plymouth, england. this was going to be fairly easy because these ports are surrounded by british ships and british coastal batteries and that kind of thing. and in alexandria, egypt, kind of the same thing because there was a british port with british forts and big guns and british fleet around. in algeria it was a different thing entirely because it was a french naval base, and the admiralcy, which is the british naval command, radioed, of course in code, to their fleet in gi
way of thinking about how to organize political and commercial life. my guess is that egypt 10, 15 years from now will be a stable democracy, but they will have a view of order, commerce, religion and its relationship to politics that will look quite different from ours. finally, take the example of, say, india and brazil, countries that are already liberal democracies and secular. they are as well following their own path to modernity. actions by the fact that in part they are still largely rural and urban poor societies, not middle-class societies. and there's an assumption in this country that because they are democratic, they will side with us. well, i think some days they will side with us in the days they will side with other emerging powers. turkey, brazil, india, they are democratic powers but when you look at voting in the u.n., when you look at their position on iran, when you look at their position on other issues, they as often as not tide against the west rather than with the west, and that is a simpler by moving to a world in which there will be great diversity. as to
will not willfully step aside as we saw in tunisia, egypt and even in yemen. and i would argue probably is not amenable to any sort of negotiated solution. the second constant is that the opposition has been perpetually divided, fragmented, unable to coalesce around a unifying vision of a post-assad syria. we've seen divisions among the external opposition, we've seen divisions inside syria, we've seen divisions among the arms groups, divisions based on ideology, divisions based on patrons and so forth. and the third factor is that the international community has remained at a stalemate, has been unable to reach a consensus on how to move forward in syria. we've seen three security council vetoes by russia and china causing many to call the u.n., essentially, ineffective in this crisis. so it's been the interplay of these three factors, i would argue, that has led syria down the path that it has taken. in terms of u.s. policy, u.s. policy is based on the objective of having assad, as president obama called for, step aside. this was back in august of 2011. the problem with u.s. policy is
interest for america first? if you take a look at egypt, under the original plan, we gave tremendous amounts of foreign aid to the state of egypt. egypt is threatening israel. egypt is threatening the region because of the arab spring. we have to rethink the dollars that we are sending to egypt. we have to say that these dollars are for maintaining a security and peace and if you are not participating, you do not get these dollars. that is job one. we have to continue our commitment of foreign policy to israel. israel is our strongest ally and our sister country come and we need to do everything we can fulfill our to fulfill our commitment. all of the foreign aid is spent right here in america un-american jobs. that is when the requirements. we need to gather up our allies and protect the people who serve in our state department we can secure them, they shouldn't be there. >> moderator: i'm going to go forward, but what you think should be the basic guiding principles, speaking a bit more probably? berg: if you are referring to dollars spent, or in general, our foreign policy, americ
've had three years. it a dramatic circumstances in egypt and libya and tunisia. they are working on syria. you could point to example in bahrain, for example, not moving as fast. but is pretty difficult to flip the switch and light change every country in a matter of days. part of the obama philosophy, which is very interesting is trying to find what is pragmatically possible in this area that does not get america can't in the trap of unnecessary war, and quite my. so you these two examples of each ability which are most striking. here you have in egypt, you know, people on the streets clearly in opposition to the dictator there. there are plenty of examples, for example, was senior, a wink and a nod trying to crack down team and. bush junior, a wink and a nod to crack down there. around the '50s of course, lots of examples where we tell folks, bush senior in iraq killing saddam if you want to crack down on the sheet, so be it, will not get involved. that's the typical which can do. for bush to go to my work and say you do get political governor, you don't get the crackdown. you are not g
leadership's be it in egypt or turkey, and it's probably the move to undermind the palestinian authority because he's going to the united nations asking for the status of the states, observer state, but the change of subject, at least by the israelis away from iran and syria, on to gaza, to me, is a very fascinating development. is it temporary or going to be an ongoing -- how long is that change of subject? sometimes leaders and security people know better. they feel they could have contained escalation. maybe that's what they have in mind. is it doable? does it work in this part of the region we live in? the third promise president obama made, again, never made any commitments to syria on syria except on the chemical weapons. now, we understand right now that, you know, there's concern there was a suggestion of a need of 70 # ,000 troops in order to secure the chemical facilities in syria in case there's any suspicious movement, be it by, you know, helping, you know, by the jihadists taking over or the regime using these chemical weapons. i mean, this is a big promise as well. what pre
-the-board policy of either administration. >> well, you had three years. dramatic circumstances in egypt and libya and tunisia. they are working on syria. it is pretty difficult as flip a switch and change every country within a matter of days. part of the obama philosophy, which is interesting, it is trying to find what is possible in this area that does not get america caught in traps of unnecessary wars, replication of imperialism, and quagmire. so you have these two examples of egypt and libya which are most striking. and here you have people on the streets, clearly in opposition to the dictator there. for example, tiananmen square, bush junior and a crackdown there. around the 50s, of course, lots of examples where we tell folks and we say if you want to crack down on us, that is the typical way it is going down. for president bush to go to hosni mubarak and say you can't stand aside, you're not going to keep this if you do it that way. because of that factor, one of the key factors are gotten pushed out, libya was a different story where he had a possibility of a massacre during an obama sai
egypt. i've been overseas for six years, with a good life. i lived in europe. you guys are in a military you know you get to travel. you get to do things. it's on to a lot of neat things you don't normally see. used to keep a horse by the pyramids. how cool is that to good writing and look over and see the pyramids? but i wanted to come home. i hadn't had a son under in country and country country in -- sonic burger and a longtime. i got to attend the fighter weapons school which is the air force version of the navy school. i'd already done the navy school, kind of abbreviated exchange. but it was okay but they are not half of what we are. you guys are air force lieutenants, right? okay, good. nevermind the football game today. that's irrelevant. the whole taking off and landing on a carrier thing, they can keep your it was a good school but it wasn't anything like ours. hours it's six months long and utterly miserable. i mean, i came out of that, a changed human being. some say for the better. i lost almost all of my cockiness. quite a few tailfeathers. then spend the next decade being
about colonial possessions and citizenship. peoples of egypt, india, algeria and africa clearly did not fit the progressive sea of educated elite and by their definitions were close to life unworthy of life, unquote. but these transit marinate for a decade. in the meantime, american prosperity continues spreading to the rest of the civilized world. american advertisers, film, literature became highly desired in europe. it's another irony at this time. american movie saudi production codes that emphasize the universal american teens a teacher to some. god, fairplay and avoided sensationalism and other taboo faces. american movies sold american exceptionalism, including puritanical moralism as one observer put it. they occasionally make fun of values to the work of equal such as keaton and charlie chaplin, but this is all done tongue-in-cheek and never was meant to undermine the system is self. by 1930, the u.s. at 18,000 movie houses and compared to francis 2400 britain's 3000. europe simply could not compete with hollywood and as long as hollywood sold american exceptionalism, europ
of the next 10 years. judith came across one day this thing called the egypt influence network, a depiction around the time that mubarak fell. and if you google it, it is this blog of blue, red and purple circles. the blue are people treating in english. the red people in arabic, those in both languages come in the google executive is right in the heart of this. so having become one of the state department's more avid twitter is, i do fair number of followers including the middle east that if you look at the map, i was often the fringe. i was on the map, but not really in the middle of the conversation. that is the challenge is the technology does provide the opportunity to get in the middle of a conversation and probably the good news is the evolution from which happened under judas watched of the center for strategic counterterrorism communication, with a purposely go in and insert themselves into extreme chat rooms to generate a debate and to try to change, for lack of a better term, hearts and minds, or engage in the competition judith was talking about. so there is an opportunity here,
control of the house. the tax cut deal, fights over the budget, the debt ceiling, deficit reduction, egypt, libya, and how obama's made the decision and took the actions he to go up but to explain how this is done to set up the 2012 campaign. he had a theory he could make the 2012 race a choice between different approaches to government and everything he did he tried to temper temper -- to other at to a choice. we did not know how things would end up on 2012 but i looked at his governing and elected strategy and it culminated. this is the back story of what happened in the presidential campaign. >> host: david corn. showdown is his most recent book that the national press club >> host: professor, we are here to talk about your book indispensable. i want to say this is a delightful book to read. you deal with very familiar figures. you attack them from some new angles. let's died 10. you have a quote but is attributed to different people also charles de gaulle is most often accredited. what does it mean? >> appropriately it has a dual meaning that people call them sells indispensable and th
the networks in a very meaningful way. p.j. talked about what we found we look out egypt adhere to everything that was going on. people, you know, all over governments here were likely to we talk to? whose important? here's the scoop. right now industry there's nobody who can raise their hand and so i can identify who was the leader of egyptian revolution, because there wasn't one. it was coalition's ever-changing coalitions of interest moving. as you look at the social media map you see that there was no one leader. so we have got, we as a government and, frankly, governments everywhere have got to figure out to do that, how did he get into that marketplace of ideas. one of the things that we did, not surprising with my background, i was very focused on consumer research, understand what was going on. one of the things i found it in government, we spent a lot of time, hundreds of millions of dollars, looking at economic elites, political elites in others, looking through different lenses. if you just look at it that way, you don't look at it to a more classic consumer lens, then if you are a
for the new egypt to do that now. last week, i congratulated him on the effort that egypt has made in the efforts on further negotiations. trying to open up gaza and prevent the smuggling of weapons. if that can be achieved, they can continue their efforts on broader issues. >> no one would doubt the integrity or honesty, or the diligent ways trying to bring about peace of the middle east, but we are concerned that we are on the wrong side of the argument. we should be with honorable friends on the side of the house have referred to the nature of 6% against -- [inaudible] the secretary is saying that we should not place preconditions for the palestinians should not place preconditions, and yet that is precisely what we are doing. we are putting ourselves in the wrong side of the argument, i am afraid. >> on both sides of the house, we are on the side of the middle east peace. it is a two state solution. our view is we should use our vote in a way that maximizes the chances of negotiations. and i know that there are strong feelings as have been illustrated. he will understand that w
of the stick will discuss that with the united states as was with egypt directly. >> i declare an interest i just returned from a visit to the palestinian authority's, and to israel. the foreign secretaries call that hama hamas is defensible response but for the crisis and could end the conflict by stop bombarding israel was hard. does he agree with me that the use of long range imported missiles by hamas capable of striking jerusalem has made this much were difficult to achieve? >> yes, absolutely. it is clear that the armory of rockets in gaza has changed since the time of operation, and although there is a longer range rockets, we seen them launch at tel aviv and at least in one case at jerusalem. of course that is an escalation of the threat to israel. but it only underlines the importance of taking forward all the work on a negotiated piece and settlement in the middle east so which has been supported across the house. >> in august this year in a report that gaza would be unlivable by 2020, 44% of posting in gaza -- [inaudible] what conversation has he had with counterparts recently on
profound effect. to explain how, let me take a detour into the air by spring. in egypt last year when the government shutdown the internet and shut down global service, many asked how are they able to do that. what does it mean that they can do that. it's a very important question. but let me focus on another important question that few people asked. how did egypt, to have an internet and a mobile service worth shutting down? the short answer lies in the most important policy accomplishments of the clinton administration that most people, present company excluded, have never heard of. world trade organization agreement on basic telecommunications. back in the 1990s, monopolies operated communication networks in most countries around the world, generally government owned or controlled monopolies. that was the world most of us grew up in. it was before the internet and mobile communications took off, and it's not a coincidence at the end of that world coincided with a take off of mobile and the internet. in any event back then in the '90s, leaders at the white house, at the state depart
proactive and extending aid to egypt before and after morsi was elected, and i think it's important to understand what sort of things egypt needed right away was an ability to sell government bonds and treasury bills were because it takes about 14% interest which is pretty high for a government come and immediate deaths things look terrible. they came in and said okay. we will buy your one month issue of bills. a good payment unless the government defaults on everything. but that has helped relieve some of the interest pressure and try to move egypt out of the debt trap than greece or italy or spain. the second thing they have done is like the development bank there's quite good development banks that help identify the investment projects, make sure they are built without corruption and that they become effective. i think it is $4.5 billion that were qatar and saudi arabia have and christine was out there in september and they were working on a long program, very low interest rate and there would be another four and a half million or so but then egypt has a fighting chance to get an
ambassadors from north korea to the middle east including egypt. a lot of arms trade in financial transaction. and overall, bell bought a lot of information, but melanie n.j. both pointed out that the number of elite his tutor 3,000. there is no analogous situation. it is just a group that have been brought in. and it's them against everybody else. >> thank you. >> i think it would be interesting, over here, the general way in which you share the stories. somehow a great deal of apprehension. if you could just elaborate the process by which you went to miss some of the instances by wish you secured the stories which ellis. >> well, thank you. one of the things i learned early on, and is not surprising is that talking about these stories is very difficult for many north koreans. it is painful to relive these memories. and i tried to do it in a slow way to allow them to take the lead rather than be, you know, kind of get out my wall street journal aggressive reporting skills. by one of the aspects of my book that is, i think, different from other things that have been written about north korea
in 2011 with the upheavily of the arab spring. what happened? egypt what was that the pyramid, the traditional model of power got inverted. the people of the top got up ended and the base had the say. the arab spring is ongoing and messing and dangerously in some geography. what i'm talk abouting is bigger than egypt or any place else. it it's a massive shift. it's one of the moment in a hundred years, the real historians like those of georgetown will write about. the phenomena in the history books. the base of the pyramid, the 99% is taking more control. the institution that always governed our lives, church, state, mainstream media, music industry, are being by passed and weak end and seriously tested. people are holding them to account u.s. to account demanding that they be more open. more responsive. more effective or else here in the u.s., you have a tea party hammering big government. you had occupy to do the same to the gally rankers of wall street. social movement are competing. and we have to hope that the more enlightened ones will win the day. social movements like
the word egypt and they got a totally different responses. why? because there is a process going on every time that we search for something on our laptop we are not only gathering information, we are giving information about what we buy about what we find interesting, about what we like it, perhaps with our political biases may be said that in theory a search engine would be giving me objective information and you and i ought to get the same information if we tied in the same word, not so anymore. that's kind of scary. >> because somebody is making up in their mind as to what it is that we want. >> it is a series. it is the computer. what is the word i'm looking for all or a -- algorithm. thank you. >> algorithm is fine, and by understand that it exists, and i respect and i will salute it. it's there. but i want to know what all of that has to do with journalism. who gets up in the morning and covers something? who is going to go out and cover the war? who is going to cover the campaign? without the journalist being there doing the abc information gathering, honest information gathering,
. you take a look at egypt. under the original peace plan we gave tremendous amounts of foreign aid to egypt. you know what right now? egypt is threatening israel. egypt is threatening israel because of the arab spring. we have to rethink the dollars we're sending to egypt. we have to say these dollars are for maintaining a security and a peace. if you're not participating you don't get the dollars. that is job one. we need our commitment to foreign poll to israel. israel is our strongest ally. it is our sister country and we need to do everything we can to fulfill our commitment. which incidentally all the foreign aid we give israel, military aid is spent right here in america on american jobs. that is one of the requirements. but when you look broadly at the arab spring, there was a lot of hope this would continue deepak civil we're falling into what has become not secular governments but religious governments. we need to be gathering up all of our allies and we need to be making a firm statement that this region needs to be stablized and we need to protect people that serve in ou
to egypt with carter and sadat. i used to work for "the new york times." jim and i met in 1975, also, covering the bicentennial, election conquered. and we've been friends ever since throughout all the came pains, and i've seen sam over the campaigns. and jeanne livingston has been an associate for many years. >> what's this photograph? >> yes. that's the photograph that sort of symbolizes campaigning today and what the press has to go through. what we're seeing here is a rope line where the advance people for a certain candidate, in this case the dukakis people, try and control the press. that is, their movements, their acksess, where they're to go and not to go. and what had been happening in the dukakis campaign is we would land in an airport. there would be two advance people and there would be a clothe line, and they had like a mobile pin, instead of just a closed off pin, where the press would be able to go to. they got this wonderful idea of having a mobile pen. so you had two people, one with rope in each hand, running around making makeshift pens where the press could go. we
the librarian in alex dry ya egypt, for instance, who roughly measured the world with not much more than a calendar and the sun and a big stick in the ground... ... >> on the other hand, the texas state books are of controversy they spend more erred time talking about jefferson davis bid thomas jefferson borough talking about school books specifically they're determined in different states and they have rules what they could and should say. i am not a textbook writer or critic. there is a problem. i grew up with books that did not have the non-white to european model. i was trying to address the under representation. in recent years there is a sense not including the asians and hispanic americans. one of the things when i wrote my book america is a hidden history talking about spanish america talk about columbus but the spanish in the united states of america of this is what i thought was an extraordinary story not told to me. the first pilgrims. there were not englishmen sailing over on the mayflower but they were french. they have a good sense to go to florida in june and sale 50 years
between egypt and yemen. i think we know that saudi arabia had mixed feelings about how quickly mubarak was dumped, and -- but they also, the saudis playeded a crucial role of easing yemen. it was not easy. it was slow. it was bloody, but compared to the other changes, it was not that bad. in april of to 20* -- 2011, just as the arab spring was in full bloom, if you will, the c7 finance ministers met in france and formed a partnership with the vision that was simple that europe had been through this kind of thing before. after eastern europe broke away
, no one, just the military. two overseas labs i know best are egypt and thailand. they have been around a long time. they were set up after world war ii in the early 1915s. why have they done so well? why are they looked upon as an asset by the country? it is because in those two situations, locals feel that they own part of the organization. if you go there to visit, you see a lot of the egyptians, they feel it is part of their infrastructure, belongs to them. that has been a tremendous excess in -- hiv vaccine could never have been done. miss embrey hit the nail on the head. the position is to make these work a little better between nih and the military because nih has come to recognize the military offers the ability to accomplish its mission. which is basically mixing and pouring in laboratories and knocked out where the rubber hits the road. patients accept certain areas like cancer research. you can't do research on malaria here. it might be changing. if you think about us as a nation, what is best for us in the future, we have built on that, and sentiment, the military labs hallw
with in indonesia, egypt, and other places do research that is not done in other places. it was certainly self-motivated in the early days to ensure we had service personnel in the best possible shape, in the tropical environment that we understand what went on in these places, and we're better prepared for it, but that body of knowledge grows, and i would hope that we can continue to nurture it so that we take the lessons from these efforts and move them out into the greater world so to try to pull this together, you have a), u.s. government military capability that has global reach, very, very rapid response, high volume, and the means to get into and operate in areas that are prone to disasters, and as we have just seen in our own backyards, you don't have to go very far these days. nobody else extent that we can. we have very sharp people, well-educated, well-schooled, well-trained, particularly in the medical professions, to make a difference on scene, and we have this ongoing research and development as background to make us all better at doing these things. these are the basics, and one
of them. the idea in egypt, for example, is one of those initiatives. they have the american development bank to work on migration and development issues. so what are the implications for latin america in this context? one of them is that there is the recognition and latin america that seems to be an alignment over immigration. whatever that means to latin america, there is at least an understand common interest the second issue, some central america issues see this as an opportunity for cooperation. of course the question is not corporation, but perhaps a range of other issues where we can talk in here come the third issue, which is an opportunity to bring up agenda issues in the relationship between the u.s. and mexican and central american issues here that they have to deal with labor rights, human rights of migrants but also development issues and to cooperate in immigration reform that can have an effect on the legalization of immigrants in the united states. it may have to do also with dealing with some people on tbs. for the most part, this is both in the united states have not am
to play out in the state department over the next 10 years. to death on the egypt network around the time mubarak fell, if you go it it is a blog of red and blue and purple circles. blue is people in english, read is arabic and political is both. and to have one of those state department's i had a fair number of followers including the middle east, i was on the french. on the map but not really in the middle of the conversation. it does provide the opportunity and the evolution under the center for strategic counterterrorism communications where they answered themselves in to chat rooms to try to change hearts and minds. >> bad as you know, there is them -- ambivalence about the technology with the attention of message and climate. wear shorts found himself in the middle. i think he did what he should have done public diplomacy advanced by the quadrennial diplomacy development review. was the message perfect? not necessarily. it was embraced 48 hours later he had did disadvantage to do the right fame but in the militate campaign. but you do have a robert ford has used technology very eff
is testing egypt. there's more uncertainty than ever about syria, its relationship with iran, whether it can hold lebanon together, what is hezbollah doing now that its backers are in their own fights inside syria. the evolving role of qatar and saudi arabia, and turkey playing a role. it's enormous. of anything at the security conference, this is probably the least secure discussion there is. i'm reminded of bob dylan's favorite song, "along the watchtower," and that should be our anthem this morning. there must be a way out of here so let's aim for some relief and less confusion, and i want to propose the following format just for the beginning of this panel, and then i think i want to open it up to a lot of questions from the floor
in the world cannot afford this vacuum in the peace process. i pay tribute today to egypt in the united states and the u.n. secretary-general for there will in bringing about a cease-fire in gaza and we now need to go to bring about a lasting peace, and clergy and into the of weapons and the opening of gaza for trade as follows for aid. in the house last week i set up their beliefs that united states should launch a new initiative to revive the middle east peace process urgently. if progress on negotiations is not made next year, the two state solution could become impossible to achieve. yesterday said to secretary clinton is such an effort led by the u.s. would need to be boring than anything seen since the oslo peace accords and should be backed by a more active role for european nations as well. given the overriding need of both israelis and palestinians to return to negotiations as soon as possible, we have palestinian president mahmoud abbas not to move for the time being. it is better to give u.s. administration the opportunity to set out a new initiative. we pointed out a u.n. resolutio
the librarian in alexandria, egypt, for instance. i hope i am not mangling his name to badly. roughly measure the world with not much more than, you know, a calendar and the sun and the big stick in the ground. and when you see that extraordinary sense of developing knowledge about the natural world, that comes out of your curiosity, that is what i think i'm talking about when i talk about kids natural curiosity and how we have to keep telling the stories to fire up their imagination and creativity. >> host: zero contrarian tweet sent to you, these days history class is tend to focus almost exclusively on the underrepresented groups mentioned. do we spend -- are we to eurocentric? to spend too much time on the magellan and columbus? >> tina, that's a good question. i think it has been somewhat addressed. some people think that it has swung too far. i know, for instance, there were some concerns a few years ago that there were history standards coming out that did not mention robert e. lee. on the other hand, there are the texas state textbooks which have been the subject -- subject of some co
your mother would be gone for years. she came to the u.s. in egypt even know it. >> guest: she's still like that in a way, you know, where she does things that we don't fit into the equation sometimes. and it's been a struggle to get her to be a little more motherly. i think at this point we've come to expect that's the way she is and we just take her as she is. i think it helps because we're not disappointed. i do hope we could be a better grandmother. i know my great-grandmother, my mother said she wasn't such a great mother. but to ask him if she was the most wonderful grandmother in the world. so i'm hoping that's the way my children feel for her as well. that's all i want for my kids have a good relationship. >> host: reyna grandecan assume other mother to read this book, or does she know within a? >> guest: she hasn't read the book is it's in english and my mother does not speak english. she knows some of us in it because i told her this is the story about my childhood and growing up in the u.s. and i write about you, my dad, but i don't think my mother really understand about ho
people made these very extraordinary discoveries. i talk about the librarian in alexandria, egypt, eratosthenes. of i'm not mangling his name too badly who roughly measured the world without much more than a calendar and the sun and a big stick in the ground. when you see that extraordinary sense of developing knowledge about the national -- natural world that comes out your curiosity that is what i'm talking about what i talk about kids's natural security of a city and how we have to keep telling these stories to fire up their imagination and their creativity. >> guest: history classes focus almost exclusively on the underrepresented groups mentioned. are we too for course been too much, and magellan and columbus and so on? >> that is a good question and it has been somewhat addressed, some people think that it has one too far. for instance there was some concern a few years ago that their history stand is coming that the dimension robert e. lee and on the other hand the texas textbooks have been a subject of controversy because they spend more time talking about jefferson davi
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